Bi xźr hatin ser PDK-XOYBUN; wiha, di xizmeta, Kurd ū Kurdistanź daye : Pirojeya Kurdistana Mezin, Pirojeyźn Aborī ū Avakirin, Pirojeyźn Cand ū Huner, Lźkolīna Dīroka Kurdistanź, Perwerdeya Zimanź Kurdī, Perwerdeya Zanīn ū Sīyasī, Wežana Malper ū TV yźn Kurdistane.
         
                Kurdish   |   Turkish   |   Engilsh  |   German

Menu
  • Rūpela Serī
  • Nivīskarźn Xoybunź
  • Nivīskarźn Mźvan
  • Dīrok ū Kurd
  • Nexižź Kurdistanź
  • Belavok Lźgerīn
  • Cand ū Huner
  • Helbestźn Gel
  • Forum
  • Ankźt
  • Nuce
  • Album
  • Slayd Show
  • Muzīka Kurdī - 1
  • Muzīka Kurdī - 2
  • Kovara Xebat Vejīn
  • Kovara Xoybun
  • Pelgeyźn bi Kurdī
  • Perwerdeya Siyasī
  • Malperźn Kurdan
  • Li ser me
  • Arsiva Nūceyan
  • Nivīs & Nūēe Bižīne
  • Game-Cilīp- Listik
  • Game - 36KurdishTV

  • Nivīskar

    Ali Cahit Kirac

    Belavok
  • Belavokźn Me
  • PDK- ARSIV
  • Belavokźn We
  • Arživa Xoybunź
  • Arživa Niviskaran
  • Niviskarźn Derkirī

  • Helbest
  • Ehmedź Xanī
  • E. Xanī - Memozīn
  • Mela Ahmedź Cizīrī
  • Dīwana Melayź Cizīrī
  • Feqīyź Teyra
  • Celadet Elī Bedirxan
  • Cīgerxwīn
  • Ciwanź Abdal
  • Osman Sebrī
  • Alī Cahīt Kiraē
  • Feqīr Ehmed
  • Ahīn Zozanī
  • Abdullah Karabag
  • Alī Kolo
  • Armanc Nerwey
  • Aydin Cožun
  • Aydin Orak
  • Agir Abad
  • Bihrī Bźnij
  • Dildar Īsmail
  • Ezīz Xemcivīn
  • Fethī Gezneyī
  • Felemez Akad
  • Hemrež Režo
  • Hīwa Qasim
  • Hindirīn Gullī
  • Hekīm Xźlexī
  • Hejarź Kurd
  • Hekīm Xźlexī
  • Husźn M. Hebež
  • Amade Dive !!!!
  • Leyla Žemmo
  • Kiyaksar Temir
  • Konź Rež
  • Kovan Sindī
  • Kalź Kurdīsī
  • Mehmed Ēobanoxlu
  • Mehdī Mutlu
  • M.Kewź Dilxźrī
  • Mihemed Salih Alī
  • Tź Amadekirin !!!!
  • Navser Botanī
  • Nīhad Temir
  • Royarź Tirbesipīyź
  • Seydayź Dilmeqes
  • Sebrī Botanī
  • Sediq Sindavī
  • Seyid Feysel Mojtevī
  • Živan Perwer
  • Žengal Osman
  • Seyda yź Arī
  • Īsmet Dax
  • Ī. Xelīl Žźxmusoglu
  • FeyzulleKhaznawi
  • Xizan Žīlan
  • Y. Sebri Qamižlokī
  • Helbestźn We
  • Helbest ū Stranź We
  • Helbest ū Stranź Gel
  • Helbestź Bźperde-1
  • Helbestź Bźperde-2
  • Helbestź Bźperde-3
  • Helbestź Bźperde-4

  • Dīroka Kurdistanź
  • Dīroka Kurd
  • Kronolijī
  • Imp. Med
  • 200 Salź dawī
  • Mervaniyan
  • Cum. Mahabad
  • Serhildanźn Kurdan
  • Serokźn Kurdan
  • Kerkuk Kurdistane
  • Nasīna Kurdistanź

  • Cand, Huner
  • Pźkenī 1
  • Pźkenī 2
  • Cīrok
  • Būyerźn Dīrokī
  • Gotinźn bapīra
  • Tistonek
  • Dīlok
  • Durik
  • Henek
  • Kilīp ū Vīdeoyź Kurdī
  • Pirs, Bersīv ū Pźken
  • Ēand huner ū tižt
  • Xwarinźn Kurda
  • Sitran, Def ū Zurne
  • Līztik, Spielen, Game
  • Listikźn Zarokan
  • Kincźn Kurda
  • Edebīyata Kurdī
  • Zimanź Me
  • Perwerda Ziman
  • Perwerda Civana
  • Perwerda Zarok
  • Zarok
  • Qutīya Muzīkź-3

  • Nivīsźn Siyasī
  • Kurdistana Serbixwa
  • Rźzname & Program
  • Projeyan

  • Rojane
  • Serxwesi
  • Biranin
  • Pirozbahi
  • Daxuyani
  • Sirove
  • Lekolin
  • Roj buyīn pīroz be
  • Roportaj
  • Agahdarī
  • Bang - Pźžwazī
  • Daxwaz
  • Xebatźn me
  • Wesiyetname
  • Žermezar
  • Žahī ū Žabun
  • Žirīgatī - Yekitī
  • Name ( Mektup )
  • Dītin ū Ramanź we
  • Civīn ū Semīner
  • Ji Raya Gižtī Re
  • Xonēe, Xwenēe

  • Jina Kurd
  • Tekožina Siyasi
  • Tehdeyīyen Siyasi
  • Tehdeyīyen Civaki
  • Daxwazen We
  • Perwerde
  • Tenduristi

  • OL
  • Ola Źzīdī - Agahdarī
  • Ola Źzīdī - Nasīn
  • Ola Źzīdī - Wźne
  • Ola Zerdežtī
  • Ola Cihū - Nivīs
  • Ola Cihū - Wźne
  • Īsa Mesīh - Jesus
  • Bibel & Jesus - Film
  • Ola Īslamī - Nivīs
  • Ola Īslam-Mewlud

  • Survey
    Hun dixwazin di vź malperźde zźdetir ci bibīnin?

    Sīyaset
    Nūēe, Radyo, TV
    Dīroka Kudistan
    Cand & Huner
    Muzīka Kurdī
    Wźne ( Foto )
    Nivīskarźn Kurd
    Zimanź Kurdī
    Pirtūk ū Kovar
    Helbestźn Kurdī
    Dibistana Kurdī
    Ansīklopedī



    Encama Pirsīnź
    Pirsīnźn me

    Dengdan: 42814
    Nirxandin: 0

    PDK - Slide Show
  • Barzani Slide Show
  • PDK Slide Show 1
  • PDK Slide Show 2
  • PDK Slide Show 3
  • PDK Slide Show 4
  • PDK Slide Show 5
  • PDK Slide Show 6
  • PDK Slide Show 7
  • PDK Slide Show 8
  • PDK Slide Show 9
  • PDK Slide Show 10
  • PDK Slide Show 11

  • Di dirokede iro
    Rojek wek īro...

    Slide Show – Xoybun

    Muzīka Kurdī – 1

  • Muzīka Kurdī - 1

  • Muzīka Kurdī – 2
  • Muzīka Kurdī - 2

  • Photo Gallery–Xoybun

    Foto & Animasyon
  • Nīžana Azadīyź
  • Tekožīngerźn Kurda
  • Wene ( Foto ) - 1
  • Wene ( Foto ) - 2
  • Flaman ū Logo
  • Anīmasyon
  • Līztik-Spielen-Game

  • Projeyźn Kurd
  • Projeyźn Kurd

  • Lźgerin / Link
  • Malperźn Lźgerinź

  • TV'yźn Kurdistan ź.
  • Kurdistan TV - Zindī-1
  • Kurdistan TV - Zindī-2
  • Zagros TV - Zindī
  • Kurdistan TV
  • Kurdsat - Zindī - 1
  • Kurdsat - Live
  • Roj - TV - Zindī - 1
  • Roj - TV - Zindī - html
  • Roj - TV - Zindī - swf
  • MMC - TV
  • XOYBUN - TV
  • Žīn Žahī - TV
  • Źzidī - TV / Zindī
  • Malpera Źzidī-TV/Zindī
  • Rojava - TV
  • KNN - TV
  • Rojhelat- TV
  • Zagros - TV
  • Komala - TV
  • Kurd-1 TV - Zindī
  • Tishk - TV
  • Vīn - TV
  • Newroz - TV
  • Zaza TV-Flash-Player
  • Zaza-TV-Media-Player
  • Zaza TV

  • Paltalk Download
  • Paltalk Download

  • Reklam
  • Hunermendźn Kurd
  • Karmendźn Kurd
  • Kirīna Tižtan
  • Firotina Tižtan

  • Radio Xoybun
    Radio Xoybun - Dengź Vejīn ź, Amade Dibe !

    Ansīklopedīya Xoybun
    Ansīklopedīya Xoybun ź A ū B, Amade Dibe !

    Partī ū Rźxistin




































    Medya Kurd, Ereb, Tirk
    Bijī Kurd ū Kurdistan
    Malperźn Kurdī, Yź
  • Polītīk-Civak-Huner.

  • _________________

    Bijī Kurd ū Kurdistan
  • Medya Erebī

  • _________________

    Bijī Kurd ū Kurdistan
  • Medya Tirkī


  • Qutīya Muzīkź-1
  • Qutī ya Muzīkź - 1

  • Zźrzewat ( Sewze )
    Zźrzewat ( Sewze )

    Sazīyźn Dijberź Tirka
    Rźxistinźn Dijberź Tirka

    Radyo Zindī ( Līve )
    7 - Radyo yźn Zindī

    Qutīya Mizīka Kurdī - 3
    Qutīya Mizīka Kurdī - 4

    Kurdī ū Īngīlīzī
  • Perwerde ya Zimanź Kurdī ū Īngīlīzī

  • Musa | Cihū | Jewry

     
    Nuceyźn Kurdistanź Haber Ekle: The Curse of Pan-Arabia
    di Thursday, 13.May. @ 00:00:00 CEST
    By FOUAD AJAMI

    The Wall Street Journal May 12, 2004
    COMMENTARY


    Consider a tale of three cities: In Fallujah, there are the beginnings of wisdom, a recognition, after the bravado, that the insurgents cannot win in the face of a great military power. In Najaf, the clerical establishment and the shopkeepers have called on the Mahdi Army of Muqtada al-Sadr to quit their city, and to "pursue another way." It is in Washington where the lines are breaking, and where the faith in the gains that coalition soldiers have secured in Iraq at such a terrible price appears to have cracked. We have been doing Iraq by improvisation, we are now "dumping stock," just as our fortunes in that hard land may be taking a turn for the better. We pledged to give Iraqis a chance at a new political life. We now appear to be consigning them yet again to the same Arab malignancies that drove us to Iraq in the first place.

    We have stumbled in Abu Ghraib. But the logic of Abu Ghraib isn't the logic of the Iraq war. We should be able to know the Arab world as it is. We should see through the motives of those in Cairo and Amman and Ramallah and Jeddah, now outraged by Abu Ghraib, who looked away from the terrors of Iraq under the Baathists. Our account is with the Iraqi people: It is their country we liberated, and it is their trust that a few depraved men and women, on the margins of a noble military expedition, have violated. We ought to give the Iraqis the best thing we can do now, reeling as we are under the impact of Abu Ghraib -- give them the example of our courts and the transparency of our public life. What we should not be doing is to seek absolution in other Arab lands.

    Take this scene from last week, which smacks of the confusion -- and panic -- of our policies in the aftermath of a cruel April: President Bush apologizing to King Abdullah II of Jordan for the scandal at Abu Ghraib. Peculiar, that apology -- owed to Iraq's people, yet forwarded to Jordan. We are still held captive by Pan-Arab politics. We struck into Iraq to free that country from the curse of the Arabism that played havoc with its politics from its very inception as a nation-state. We had thought, or implied, or let Iraqis think, that a new political order would emerge, that the Pan-Arab vocation that had been Iraq's poison would be no more.

    The Arabs had let down Iraq, averted their gaze from the mass graves and the terrors inflicted on Kurdistan and the south, and on the Shiite holy cities of Najaf and Karbala and their seminarians and scholars. Jordan in particular had shown no great sensitivity toward Iraq's suffering. This was a dark spot in the record of a Hashemite dynasty otherwise known for its prudence and mercy. It was a concession that the Hashemite court gave to Jordan's "street," to the Palestinians in refugee camps and to the swanky districts of Amman alike. Jordan in the 1980s was the one country where Saddam Hussein was a mythic hero: the crowd identified itself with his Pan-Arab dreams, and thrilled to his cruelty and historical revisionism. This is why the late king, Hussein, broke with his American ties -- as well as with his fellow Arab monarchs -- after the invasion of Kuwait. His son did better in this war; he noted the price that Jordan paid in the intervening decade. He took America's side, and let the crowd know that a price would be paid for riding with Saddam. But no apology was owed to him for Abu Ghraib. He was no more due an apology for what took place than were the rulers in Kathmandu.

    But this was of a piece with our broader retreat of late. We have dispatched the way of Iraqis an envoy of the U.N., Lakhdar Brahimi, an Algerian of Pan-Arab orientation, with past service in the League of Arab States. It stood to reason (American reason, uninformed as to the terrible complications of Arab life) that Mr. Brahimi, "an Arab," would better understand Iraq's ways than Paul Bremer. But nothing in Mr. Brahimi's curriculum vitae gives him the tools, or the sympathy, to understand the life of Iraq's Shiite seminaries; nothing he did in his years of service in the Arab league exhibited concern for the cruelties visited on the Kurds in the 1980s. Mr. Brahimi hails from the very same political class that has wrecked the Arab world. He has partaken of the ways of that class: populism, anti-Americanism, anti-Zionism, and a preference for the centralized state. He came from the apex of the Algerian system of power that turned that country into a charnel house, inflicted on it a long-running war between the secular powers-that-be and the Islamists, and a tradition of hostility by the Arab power-holders toward the country's Berbers. No messenger more inappropriate could have been found if the aim was to introduce Iraqis to the ways of pluralism.

    Mr. Brahimi owes us no loyalty. His prescription of a "technocratic government" for Iraq -- which the Bush administration embraced only to retreat from, by latest accounts -- is a cunning assault on the independent political life of Iraq. The Algerian seeks to return Iraq to the Pan-Arab councils of power. His entire policy seeks nothing less than a rout of the gains which the Kurds and the Shiites have secured after the fall of the Tikriti-Baathist edifice. The Shiites have seen through his scheme. A history of disinheritance has given them the knowledge they need to recognize those who bear them ill will. American power may not be obligated -- and should not be -- to deliver the Shiites a new dominion in Iraq. But we can't once more consign them to the mercy of their enemies in the Arab world. At any rate, it is too late in the hour for such a policy, for the genie is out of the bottle and the Shiites will fight back. Gone is their old timidity and quietism. Their rejection of Mr. Brahimi's diplomacy is now laid out for everyone to see.

    For his part, Mr. Brahimi knew that the Americans were eager to dump, and he rightly bet on the innocence (other, less charitable terms could be used) of those in the Bush administration now calling the shots on Iraq. They were unburdened by any deep knowledge of the country, and Mr. Brahimi offered the false promise of pacifying Iraq in the run-up to our presidential elections. His technocracy is, in truth, but a cover for the restoration of the old edifice of power. Fallujah gave him running room; its fight for a lost, unjust dominion, was his diplomatic tool. His prescription, he let it be known, would calm the tempest in that sullen place. The Marines were fighting to bring that town to order. The Marines were not Mr. Brahimi's people: Their fight, and their sacrifices, he dismissed as a "collective punishment" of a civilian population. Mr. Brahimi should know a thing or two about collective punishment. His native Algeria has provided enough lessons in what really constitutes the indiscriminate punishment of populations that come in the way of military power.

    In the scales of military power, the Arabs have not been brilliant in modern times. But there is cunning aplenty in their world, and an unerring eye for the follies of great foreign powers. The Arabs can read through President Bush's stepping back from his support for Ariel Sharon's plan for withdrawal from Gaza. There are amends to be made for Abu Ghraib, and those are owed the people of Iraq. Yet here we are paying the Palestinians with Iraqi coin. The Palestinians will not be grateful for our concessions; and they are to be forgiven the only conclusion they will draw. Those concessions have already been taken as the compromises of an America now in the throes of self-flagellation.

    We can't have this peculiar mix of imperial reach, coupled with such obtuseness. It is odd, and defective in the extreme, that President Bush chose the official daily of the Egyptian regime, Al-Ahram, for yet another interview, another expression of contrition over Abu Ghraib. In the anti-Americanism of Egypt (of Al-Ahram itself), the protestations of our virtue are of no value. In our uncertainty, we now walk into the selective rage of the Egyptians, a popular hostility tethered to the policies of a regime eager to see us fail in Iraq -- a regime afraid that the Iraqis may yet steal a march on Egypt into modernity. Cairo has no standing in Iraq. Why not take representatives of a budding Iraqi publication into the sanctuary of the Oval Office and offer a statement of contrition by our leader?

    Our goals in Iraq are being diluted by the day. There has been naivete on our part, to be sure, and no small measure of hubris. We haven't always read Iraq right, but if we abdicate the burden and the responsibility -- and the possibilities -- that came with this war, our entire effort will come to grief. In Najaf on May 7, in a Friday sermon made from the shrine of Imam Ali -- Shiism's most revered pulpit -- Sheikh Sadr-al-din Qabanji, a respected cleric with ties to Ayatollah Ali Sistani, called on the Mahdi Army of Muqtada al-Sadr to quit the city. "Listen to the advice of the ulema," he said, using the term for the recognized men of religion. "Come, let us together find another way, go back to your homes and provinces." The defense of Najaf, he said, belonged to its people, and the bands of young "Sadrists" were told to return to the slums of Baghdad. We haven't stilled Iraq's furies, and our gains there have been made with heartbreaking losses. But in the midst of our anguish over Abu Ghraib, and in our eagerness to placate an Arab world that has managed to convince us of its rage over the scandal, we should stay true to what took us into Iraq, and to the gains that may yet be salvaged.

    Mr. Ajami, of Johns Hopkins, is the author of "The Dream Palace of the Arabs" (Vintage, 1999).


    Note: Reports are published based on respect for freedom of opinion's expression, they do not necessarily reflect views of Kurdistan Democratic Party.



    Source: The Wall Street Journal







     
    Tźkeve
    Bikarhźner

    Žīfre

    Xwe bźpere REGISTER bike!. Bibe endamź malpera me ū ji taybetīyźn malperź sūd werbigire. Pźždītin wek dilź xwe biguherīne. Bibe xwedīyź bežek serbixwe ū bikaribe bi bikarhźnerin din ra bažtir ragihīne

    Grźdanźn pźwendīdar
    · Kurdishmedia
    · Zźdetir Nuceyźn Kurdistanź
    · Nūēe ji admin


    Nūēeyźn zźdetir hatine xwendin: Nuceyźn Kurdistanź:
    Serhildana Kurdistana Bažur li destpźka buhara sala 1991


    Pūandanīna Nūēeyź
    Pūan Gižtī: 0
    Dengdan: 0

    Tika ye, bo vź nūēeyź dengź xwe wek pūanek bide:

    Xerab
    Ne baž ne xerab
    Rind
    Pirr rind
    Xwežik



    Vebijark

    Dikare binivīse ser kaxźzź spī  Dikare binivīse ser kaxźzź spī

    Nūēe bo hevalź xwe bižīne  Nūēe bo hevalź xwe bižīne






    Malper ū TV yźn, Kurd ū Kurdistanī, Yźn, Polītīk, Nūēe, Civakī ū Hunerī : - Vir-Rupela-LīnkźnNū ye.
    ___________________________________________________________________


    Malper ū TV yźn Tirka, Yźn, Nūēe, Polītīk ū Civakī : - Vir-Rupela-LīnkźnNū ye.

    | PUK-Medīa | PDK-Bažur | PDK-Bažur | PDK-Xoybun | PDK-Rojhilat | AlParty | Kurdistan Media | kdp6 | Xebat | PWD - K | KRG | Peyamner |


    PDK - XOYBUN.Com 2003 All Rights Reserved
    Email : xoybuncom@yahoo.de

    Ev malper herī bash bi 1024x768 ū IE 6.0 tź xuyakirin

    Content ū Naverok






                    
    Google